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POWER PLAYS
In the days after the attacks of September 11, 2001, President George W. Bush
declared a “War on Terror,” and political scientist William Howell—now an
associate professor at the Harris School—began to think about presidential
authority and congressional control before foreign conflicts. “The President was
running rough-shod over the Constitution,” he says. “It was an extraordinary
display of power—as if, when it’s war, the President gets whatever he wants.”
In previous research, Howell found that most
scholarship on the American presidency looked
at how Congress influences presidential decisions,
including war preparations, by passing or
defeating funding bills. That kind of action is
easy to monitor, he says, but what is missing is
an investigation of what “Presidents don’t do
because they fear Congress.”
In his new book, While Dangers Gather:
Congressional Checks on Presidential War Powers(co-authored with Jon Pevehouse and scheduled
for release in 2007), Howell shows that despite
the power of the president, Congress does have
an impact, albeit subtle, on his decision to go
to war. “Inter-branch struggles do not typically
resemble duels wherein the President and
Congress mark 10 strides and fire, leaving the
victor standing and the vanquished bleeding in
the dirt. In politics, both often end up wounded,
just as both can claim a measure of success.”
“Congress can do lots of things to make life
difficult for the President without direct
opposition,” Howell says.
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“They can signal
reservations to the international community
which makes our allies less likely to support
a war effort. They can also go public with the
opposition. The media takes foreign policy
cues from Congress and uses this information to shape public opinion. Public opinion then
shapes the President’s positions.”
Howell is quick to point out that, although he
and Pevehouse have a fresh perspective, they
are certainly not the first to consider the issue.
In fact, Howell found that nearly 75 years earlier
his own great-grandfather, Charles P. Howland,
in a similar study “drew roughly the same
conclusions: congressional checks are real,
presidents have cause to heed them, but they
are sporadically enforced.”
Howell’s next project will focus on congressional
checks on presidential power once a military
action has begun. “The terms of debate shift
the moment troops are put in harm’s way,” he
says. “On one hand, as reports come back from
the field, members of Congress can criticize
the president more effectively. On the other,
members who opposed the deployment may
experience strong pressures to support a military
venture that is up and running. As John Kerry
learned in 2004, it is difficult to justify a vote
against aid to troops already in the field, no
matter how misguided or poorly planned their
mission may be.”
Barbara Ray
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