
Aging reduces the demand for market-based long-term care by increasing
the supply of its primary substitute, family-provided home care. In their
Harris School working paper, Aging and
the Growth of Long-Term Care, University of Chicago researcher
Tomas Philipson and colleague Darius Lakdawalla find that increased longevity
has resulted in more Americans being able to care for themselves and
their spouses at home. This has subsequently reduced the need for long-term
health care facilities and services, such as nursing homes and assisted
living communities.
Many analysts predict significant growth in the long-term care industry
to meet the demands of an aging population; however, Philipson and Lakdawalla
found that per capita demand for market-based long-term care has declined
over the past 30 years despite favorable economic circumstances, such
as increased public financing of long-term care and increased female
labor force participation. They conclude that improved health and longevity,
marriage patterns, and changes in the ratio of elderly men to women outweigh
the economic drivers and contribute to an overall decline in market-based
care. The findings presented in this study have distinct policy implications
for public expenditures in long-term care via Medicaid subsidizations
as well as the examination of long-term care facilities and their serviced
population.
Findings
Changes in healthy versus frail status, the ratio of males to females,
and marriage patterns that have accompanied improved longevity among
the elderly have precluded growth in the long-term care market that parallels
elderly population growth. First, the combination of elderly population
growth and health status of the elderly population can stimulate or dampen
demand for market-based care. If the elderly population lives longer
and is more disabled, demand for nursing home care will expectedly increase.
By contrast, a healthier, less disabled elderly population will demand
less nursing home care. In 1981, the incidence of disability among the
population over age 75 was 32%. In 1991, this rate fell to 28%. There
were approximately 13.5 million people over 75 in 1991. This improvement
in health resulted in half a million fewer elderly disabled people that
represent a significant share of the nursing home population.
Second, single frail women are disproportionate users of nursing home
care, and improved female health leads to an increase in the number of
healthy widows who will eventually enter frailty and will be likely to
require long-term care outside the home. Further, analysis of spousal
care reveals that the growth of healthy elderly men contracts the long-term
care market, while growth in healthy elderly women expands the market.
This pattern is closely related to the fact that, on average, women live
longer and pair with older men; they are thus available and relatively
healthy to care for husbands when they become disabled. However, they
have no one to care for them when they enter frailty, so they must turn
to the market. Philipson and Lakdawalla found that a 1 percent increase
in the population of elderly men reduces long-term care output by 1.3
percent. A 1 percent increase in the population of elderly women raises
long-term care output by 1.2 percent. A general population increase of
1 percent raises output by about .9 percent.
Third, toward the late '80s, elderly male populations began to grow
faster than female. The increased availability of healthy elderly men
decreases the likelihood and expands the timeframe within which women
will become widowed and then frail. If population trends continue and
men become healthier and live longer, there will be fewer healthy widows,
and thus fewer healthy women entering frailty without a healthy spouse
to provide care in the home. Marriage, then, is a source of healthy caregivers
in the home for both men and women, which decreases demand for nursing
homes and assisted living communities.
Table 5: Decomposition
of Growth in Long-Term Care Demand |
| |
Over
65 |
Over
75 |
Over
85 |
| |
1971-1981 |
1981-1991 |
1971-1981 |
1981-1991 |
1971-1981 |
1981-1991 |
| Population Effect |
24.32% |
21.74% |
27.12% |
30.13% |
45.73% |
34.41% |
| Gender Effect |
8.23% |
1.79% |
9.23% |
0.33% |
4.90% |
-2.63% |
| Health Effect |
5.71% |
-12.16% |
0.00% |
-18.92% |
0.00% |
-10.05% |
| Residual Effect |
-2.76% |
-0.67% |
-0.85% |
-0.84% |
-15.13% |
-11.03% |
| Total Growth |
35.50% |
10.69% |
35.50% |
10.69% |
35.50% |
10.69% |
Philipson and Lakdawalla found that the effects of marriage are stronger
when the cost to family members of providing home care falls, as might
occur when subsidies to market-based home care rise (which is often a
complement to family-provided care) or when Social Security benefits
become more generous. Further, spouses care for frail elderly regardless
of whether or not children are present to assist in care giving. The
strong effects of marriage in providing home-based care persist except
in cases in which mental disability is very severe.
Methodology
Lakdawalla and Philipson consider the relation between aging and market
outputs in the U.S. between 1989-1994, using aggregate data from HCIA's
Guide to the Nursing Home Industry as well as electronically published
supplements to that guide for the state level. The HCIA data set contains
population breakdowns by gender and age for every state. Researchers
constructed statistics for male and female populations for three age
groups: over 65, over 75 and over 85. HCIA also gathers data from state
governments on the total beds available statewide in the nursing home
industry. They used these figures, multiplied by 365, to calculate bed-days
available yearly in each state.
Researchers supplement this with an analysis of aging and long-term
care within all U.S. counties, using data from the Bureau of Health Professions
Area Resource File (1940-1995 edition). Researchers took county level
data on the long-term care output and demographic characteristics of
each county. The file contains county level data on the number of long-term
care facilities, the total number of beds in all such facilities and
the total number of residents in each facility.
Researchers define long-term care as the care of an individual with
a chronic condition. If one partner falls into frailty before the other,
researchers assume that the healthy partner cares for the frail one at
home. If both partners become frail, researchers assume that the both
require market based long-term care. Finally, all healthy widows are
matched to healthy widowers until the supply of healthy widowers runs
out, assuming that the number of healthy widows always exceeds that of
healthy widowers.
Background
Since 1960 the share of the U.S. population above 65 years of age has
grown substantially, from about 9 percent to 14 percent. In most developed
countries, the share of public spending on the elderly has increased
in line with the growth in the older populations. Philipson and Lakdawalla
found that growth in bed-days has rapidly decelerated since 1970, despite
a relatively stable growth rate for elderly populations. In the mid '70s,
for example, bed-days increased at a rate of 4.6 percent annually; in
the mid '80s this growth rate plummeted by more than half to 2.2 percent.
Finally, in the late '80s and early '90s growth dropped again to 1.4
percent.
Relatively little analytic attention has been paid by economists to
the macroeconomic aspects of the market for long-term care and to the
impact of aging on this market. Specifically, understanding the macro-level
interactions between biological and economic forces in this market seems
important for understanding the movement of output over time.

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