All Americans, even executives of
big airlines or other unpopular industries, have the right to petition
their government and support the candidates of their choice. Such special-interest
lobbying and campaign contributions are fundamental freedoms. At the
same time, bribery and influence peddling must not be tolerated. Our
federal campaign laws are designed to strike a difficult balance between
protecting the rights of unpopular “special
interests” and preventing outright corruption. Our current law does
that well. However, if we define all special-interest influence as
corrupt, that balance is impossible to strike.
Campaign reform advocacy groups
and their allies in the media have done a great disservice to Americans
by perpetuating the jaundiced and simplistic view that campaign contributions
are the functional equivalent of bribes. Armed with this misconception,
citizens find it too easy to dismiss policies that they do not like or
understand as the product of a corrupt system. That’s one reason
modern politics is so contentious and that too many Americans doubt the
legitimacy of their government.
If political donations and lobbying by the airline industry
actually sway members of Congress, then they are rational investments from
the perspective of airline workers and stockholders. But most research
on the role of money in politics suggests that such a success would be
the exception rather than the rule. If those expenditures have no effect,
then perhaps they are frivolous. Either way, special-interest pleading
is not a symptom of something rotten, but of the way democracy works in
a free and open society.
The secret to democracy is tolerance
of unpopular views and groups—a willingness to disagree with a policy but grant that it
can be supported by people of good will and intentions. I don’t know
whether we should bail out the airlines or not; I haven’t studied
the issue enough to know. But I am confident that my elected representatives
are informed and will make a reasonable decision. It may not be the decision
I prefer, but that doesn’t mean the political process is corrupt;
in fact, it means the process is working.
Jeffrey Milyo is an assistant professor
at the Irving B. Harris Graduate School of Public Policy Studies.